|
DECEMBER
2009
ISSUES:
SC
orders Makro to vacate playground
The Supreme
Court has ordered a wholesale giant in Karachi to close
down its huge commercial outlet in the Lines Area in three months and
restore the 4.9 acres of land on which the structure was built to its
original status of a playground.
‘Makro-Habib
is allowed three months from the date of this judgment to remove its
structures and installations from the playground, restore it to the same
condition as existed on the date of the sub-lease and hand over its
vacant possession to the city district government, Karachi (CDGK),’ a
bench comprisingChief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, Justice
Jawwad S. Khawaja and Justice Ghulam Rabbani ordered in their
judgment on Friday.
The
court had taken suo motu notice of the matter on the basis of an article
published in Dawn titled ‘A plea to the Lord Chief Justice’, by
columnist Ardeshir Cowasjee.
The
32-page verdict authored by Justice Khawaja ordered the city government
to develop and maintain the land as a playground or use it for any other
purpose permissible under the law.
‘The
playground was and will remain an amenity plot falling within the
jurisdiction and zoning/regulatory control of the CDGK,’ it held.
It
said the federal government, acting in the name of former president
Pervez Musharraf, had no legal authority to grant leasehold rights to
the Army Welfare Trust (AWT) which later sub-leased the land to Macro-Habib Pakistan (MHPL)
to build a cash and carry wholesale outlet.
The
court cancelled the lease granted in 2002 in favour of the AWT and also
sub-lease of the land to Makro-Habib in July 2006.
The
land measuring 4.958 acres is situated in a central and densely
populated area of Karachi.
During
the proceedings, Karachi-based NGO Shehri, citizen Mehfoozun Nabi and
the CDGK contended that the land stood transferred to the city
government and was a designated amenity plot dedicated for use as a
playground in the master plan for the Lines Area Project.
The
government, the AWT and Makro-Habib relied on the Dec 19, 2002, deed
whereby the former president had granted lease of the land to the AWT
for 90 years at the annual rent of Rs6,020. On July 31, 2006, the AWT
transferred the land to Makro-Habib by way of sub-lease for an initial
term of 30 years after receiving an advance rent of Rs100 million based
on a variable annual amount of at least Rs17.5 million and a maximum
equivalent to one per cent of the annual turnover of the outlet.
The
court said the AWT, which was also an NGO, had been granted the
government land in a wholly opaque and non-transparent manner without
any regard to financial interests of the government and without an open
invitation to bidders, which could not be treated as a legitimate and
permissible exercise ofexecutive powers. It said the AWT had been set up
for a laudable objective of welfare of serving and retired personnel of
the armed forces and their families, but it must be achieved through
permissible means and not at the expense of the state exchequer or the
public at large.
‘This
guiding principle must inform all decisions taken by state functionaries
in the performance of their official duties. This court has repeatedly
emphasised the need for state functionaries to act in furtherance of the
public interest, as they are fiduciaries ultimately responsible to their
paymasters who are the people of Pakistan.
‘Unfortunately,
in the present case we see that the concerned administrative
functionaries have been seriously remiss in the performance of their
duty to protect the public interest, whether in the form of providing
amenities to the people or of safeguarding the state’s financial
interests arising from the transfer of rights in state property.
‘The
people of Pakistan have been blessed with a Constitution and
aspire, despite difficulties, to constitutional rule. The Constitution,
we can say with certainty, is imbued with an ethos and guiding spirit
which underpins it and obliges the organs of the state and their
functionaries to act in conformity with such guiding spirit.’
The
MHPL issued a press statement saying it had always respected the laws of
the country and any ruling of the Supreme Court.
‘Makro
had all along assumed, in all good faith, that the AWT had lawfully
obtained the lease from the defence ministry and invested Rs800 million
to set up a store in a backward, depressed and slum area. ‘This
store provides employment to about 350 families and has played a major
part in the economic revival of that highly depressed and slum
area,’ it said.
Now
that the store might have to close down, it said, those families would
be out of employment, but it respected all judicial verdicts, especially
of the Supreme Court, and would implement the decision.
(By
Nasir Iqbal, Daily Dawn, 19/12/2009)
Drinking
water policy and ground realities
IN
September this year, on the eve of World Water Day 2009, the government
finally announced the new drinking water policy aimed at improving the
quality of life of the people.
The policy is designed to ensure provision of adequate quantity of safe
drinking water to the entire population in an equitable, efficient and
sustainable manner. While the policy is a good step,there are concerns
about its goals being realistic and sustainable.
The policy aims to establish a new drinking water supply system and to
upgrade the existing systems in urban and rural areas for ensuring
sustainable access to safe drinking water to the poor by 2020. The
policy sets specific guidelines for increasing access to safe drinking
water, protection and conservation of surface and groundwater resources,
water treatment, appropriate technologies and standardisation.
The policy has suggested various legislative measures to ensure its
effective implementation and monitoring, which will be coordinated by
the environment ministry in collaboration with provincial Fana, Fata and
AJK governments. The policy will be reviewed and updated after every
five years by a committee constituted exclusively for the purpose.
It has placed special emphasis on setting up of new drinking water
systems, rehabilitation and upgradation of the existing ones,
sustainability of water supply infrastructure, water conservation, water
quality improvement, water treatment and drinking water sector
management information system. It emphasises that respective tiers of
the government will devise strategies and action plans in pursuit of the
policy.
Under the policy, the responsibility of ensuring safe and clean drinking
water has been entrusted to the environment ministry.
A recent study on the state of drinking water supply and usage reveals
that only 21.4 per cent of the people have easy access to clean and safe
drinking water. Almost 77 per cent of the rural population does not have
government water supply provisions; 54 per cent have access to drinking
water through hand-pumps or motor pumps, 5.8 per cent through
river/lake/canal, 14.4 per cent from fountain, three per cent from well
and only 1.3 per cent use bottled water for drinking purposes.
Estimated water, sanitation and hygiene related diseases cost the
economy around Rs112 billion per year, over Rs300 million, a day in
terms of health cost and lost earnings. Out of this, the cost associated
with diarrhoeal diseases alone is estimated at around Rs55-80 billon per
year. Lack of adequate drinking water and sanitation facilities in
schools is one of the contributing factors for low enrolment and high
drop out of from girls’ schools.
About 80 per cent of all diseases are caused by unsafe drinking water,
inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene. Over Rs30 billion is spent on
healthcare for those who suffer from waterborne diseases.A fraction of
that amount spent on safe water could save a lot of human sufferings.
Another study suggests that as of 2008, approximately 49.5 million
people lacked access to safe drinking water and 50.7 million lacked
access to improved sanitation.
One of the World Bank’s Country Assessment Report estimates that
environment and natural resource damage costs the economy about Rs365
billion annually. Of this, drinking water, sanitation and
hygiene-related diseases have been estimated to cost about Rs112 billion
per year or over Rs300 million a day. Water scarcity and its poor
management could lead to loss of biodiversity and agricultural
production, increase in malnutrition and diseases, reduced economic
growth, social instability, and conflict.
Water stress threshold being defined as renewable water resources below
1700 cubic meter per person per year whereas its availability is just a
little over 1000 cubic meter per person per year, making Pakistan water
stress country.
Urbanisation and inefficient use of water for irrigation and dependence
of the agricultural sector on chemicals and fertilisers, has resulted in
deterioration in water quality and contamination of lakes, rivers and
ground water aquifers. The population in rural areas it relies on hand
or motorised pumps. A quarter of rural households continue to draw water
from un-improved sources, such as open dug wells, rivers, streams,
canals and ponds. Water from these sources is mostly unfit for
consumption unless treated.
Over 90 per cent of water resources are consumed by agriculture and
hardly 10 per cent is left for drinking and other purposes. Now the real
challenge is to make that 10 per cent of water available for every
citizen.
There are serious ideological flaws in the policy which focused on
pricing of water, tariff and privatisation, which will not be acceptable
for the majority of the poor living in rural areas and urban slums. Poor
budget allocation, bad governance, zero checks and balances and zero
accountability and ageing infrastructure are some of the other factors
which will make this policy a sour dream.
Installation of water filtration plants across the country by the year
2015 is also an unrealistic idea as the main execution agency; the
district governments have failed to successfully implement the previous
projects.
During the Musharraf regime under Clean Drinking Water for All (CDWA)
project, Rs15bn were allocated for installation of 6,626 filtration
plants by Dec 2007. This has not happened.
The CDWA was to be a joint venture between the federal government as
financier and the district, tehsil and town governments providing land,
labour and electricity. The provincial government was to be the
executor. Up to 204 plants for clean drinking water have been installed
in Sindh under CDWA project.
Mere policies cannot deliver. Pakistan is facing serious challenges due
to its inability to define water rights and implement equitable water
regulation policies throughout the country.
Under the policy, the government has decided to install water filtration
plants not in each town but in every village. However, nobody knows that
from where the huge amount required for the programme would be
generated.
It is time for every stakeholder to recognise the fact that collective
future depends on the collective actions.
(By
Zulfiqar Halepoto, Daily Dawn, 14/12/2009)
Controversies
over water sharing
WITH
the increasing water scarcity, controversies over its distribution among
provinces, especially Sindh and Punjab, keep cropping up. But of late,
these are becoming numerous, and many of them have political
undertones.
Take the current controversy, setting Punjab against Irsa. Punjab says
that it still has a share of 2.5 million acres feet (MAF) water left
from the Indus arm, whereas Irsa says it does not owe anything to
province from Indus. Punjab has already consumed its share from the
Indus side, it is quoted in the media. Can 2.5maf water simply go
missing from the system?
Irsa has delivered the said quantity and Punjab has not received it.
Where has the water gone? It needs to be clarified so that such
unnecessary controversies could be pre-empted in future. If Irsa has
released water and Punjab has mismanaged it, the province must be taken
to task. But, if the reverse is true, Irsa should be asked to behave
responsibly.
The cost of such mistakes, regardless of who commits them, is simply
unaffordable. Take the example of four canals – D G Khan, Thal,
Muzaffargarh and CRBC – in southern Punjab, which Irsa threatened to
shut down as the provincial share from Indus arm expires.
These canals, which jointly irrigate around six million acres in
southern Punjab districts, cannot be fed from any other source. The DG
Khan and Muzaffargarh canals supply water to around 2.5 million acres in
respective districts, Chashma Right Bank Canal to around 300,000 acres
and Thal canal to another 1.5 million acres.
About 70 per cent of wheat sowing has been achieved in these areas so
far, and the rest is threatened by impending closure. Should the canals
get closed, it would not only hit national wheat production target but
also reduce he income of millions of farmers – forcing them to miss
the Rabi crops. Farmers from southern Punjab cannot pump out underground
water as it is a brackish belt, and subsoil water is unfit for sowing
and drinking. People in the area depend on canal supplies even for
drinking purposes. The closure would also threaten national wheat
target. A record crop was achieved last year because southern Punjab had
produced more.
Interestingly,
apart from the media threats, the Indus River System Authority (Irsa)
has so far neither closed canals nor formally informed the Punjab
government, despite passage of almost 72 hours, of its threat of closing
all four canals. Even after three days, the authority was running canals
as per schedule given by Punjab for current 10-daily (this is, at least,
what Irsa spokesman claimed talking to the writer). If it does not have
to close canals, why did it go to the media with threat, stirring a
storm in every corner of the province?
These controversies are being generated in the backdrop of around 35 per
cent water shortage. The farmers’ fears that closing canals that have
already been running at just more than half of their capacity, would
ruin their crops and livelihood for this season.
Since the entire impact of canal closure would be concentrated in the
politically sensitive southern belt – considered to be one of the most
backward parts and occasionally demanding to be declared a “province”
to address its problems – Punjab has no choice but to fight back. That
is exactly what Punjab is currently planning, strategising its response
in the media, federal government and other forums. The entire
controversy is being projected in the media alone. The canals are still
running – Punjab was receiving 11 per cent water from the Taunsa
Barrage even on Tuesday -- and the regulator and the “victim” have
locked horns in the media.
Someone also needs to dust of 91’ Water Accord and make the Indus
River System Authority read it afresh. The accord was basically a
development document. Only one of its clauses spoke of shortages and
mechanism to share them.
The rest 17 clauses were related to developing water resources and
sharing the fruits of water richness. The authority, comprising
technocrats from all provinces, was supposed to behave like a federal
body – leading a national consensus on new reservoirs, selling them on
the basis of their technical feasibility and educating politicians and
public alike.
Over the last 18 years of its existence, one or the other province has
been complaining that the political dice is loaded against it and the
authority decisions have been subservient to political preferences.
Currently, Punjab is reading its numerology in the same background.
(By
Ahmad Fraz Khan, Daily Dawn, 14/12/2009)
Hitches
in proposed plan mar LEW completion
The
completion of Lyari Expressway (LEW) project that has so far displaced
around 28,000 families is being delayed due to faulty planning and
mismanagement on part of the stakeholders.
Having
a total length of about 39 kilometres, the National Highway Authority (NHA)
allotted the LEW to the Frontier Work Organisation (FWO) at a cost of
Rs5.8 billion. The work on the LEW consisting of four lanes on both
sides, with two interchanges, five overpasses and five underpasses
commenced on May 11, 2002. The original completion date of the project
was November 8, 2004, however, despite a lapse of more than five years
and double the cost incurred on the project i.e. Rs11.82 billion, the
project is still not completed due to various pitfalls in the major plan
and the contradictory statements by the NHA.
The
basic purpose of the LEW, according to the brief report prepared by the
NHA, was to reduce the congestion on city roads by diverting the load of
heavy transport vehicles (HTV). However, this did not happen as the NHA
has restricted HTVs from taking on the LEW. As a result of this, the NHA
has invited the wrath of residents of the encroached nearby areas who
refuse to budge.
The
Project Director, (retd) Major Syed Ahmed told Kolachi that "we've
completed 75 percent of our work and only five kilometres is still left
to be completed." However, he says that the major hurdle in the
completion of the project is the encroachments in Hassan Aolia,
Liaquatabad, Salahi Para and Mianwali Colony and the non-cooperative
attitude of the Government of Sindh and City District Government Karachi
(CDGK) in removing the "encroachers and not giving of the Right Of
Way (ROW) to the NHA". He claims that there is an issue of pending
payments to the NHA of around Rs194.9 million, which is delaying the
project and at the same time the residents of these areas are asking for
a high cost to leave their lands.
Tariq,
a resident of the Hassan Aolia Village and President of Welfare Society
says that the area they live in is a historic asset to Karachi and they
are not going to leave it to suit the vested interests of a few people.
"Their basic demand is to change the design of the plan so that the
Hassan Aolia Village does not come in the way. For years we are being
fooled by these people. There's a case pending in the Supreme Court
against the project directors of the LEW and we do not want any money
from them, we are awaiting justice," he explained.
Speaking
about the bridge, Ahmed at first said that it is not for heavy vehicles,
however, he later said that the reason heavy vehicles are not allowed on
the bridge is the maintenance issue. "Once the entire project is
completed, we will open it for heavy vehicles as well," he added.
As
per the brief report prepared by the NHA, it is considering 'three
different options' out of which the first one is to follow the original
design, which according to Ahmed can not happen as they are facing tough
resistance from the people of areas such as Hassan Aolia, Liaquatabad,
Salahi Para and Mianwali Colony. They bluntly refuse to leave the land
which was owned by their forefathers as according to them they are the
rightful owners because the land is leased on their names.
The
second option that could have been considered by the NHA was to
construct the bridge in all the areas on the river bed from Sindhi Hotel
to Mewashah (Mianwali Colony). But Ahmed says that to opting this would
have meant an additional construction cost of Rs2, 961 million.
Moreover, safety of the population living on the river bed could not
have been ensured during floods as well as more encroachments on the
river bed would have continued.
Lastly,
the NHA are left with the third option of partial re-alignment of all
the three encroached areas. According to Ahmed out of the three, the
third is the most feasible, economical as well as less time consuming
option, considering the economic stability of Pakistan.
The
LEW has been discussed and debated upon a number of times with no
productive results or conclusions. It is high time the authorities
instead of 'hoping for the best' take some practical and informed
decisions. Interference from the high-ups as well as a commitment from
the federal government and CDGK for owning the project is the need of
the hour.
(By
Saher Baloch, The News-13, 21/12/2009)
Displaced
but rehabilitated
The
Northern Bypass project started in the year 2002, but the project was
marred by the collapse of the bridge located at Shershah, alongside the
Northern Bypass. The bridge caved in on Sept 1, 2007 -- only a month
after its inauguration, killing six people.
Located
in the commercial industrial area of the city, the bridge had a direct
impact on industrial traffic in the area. "Ever since the bridge
collapsed, traffic here has gone haywire with heavy-load trucks and
small vehicles all having to pass through the same narrow and broken
roads. We were better off before, when there was no bridge and
construction," said Muhammad Mehboob, owner of a flour factory
located in the vicinity. "And since it was built by the
government's own companies, there is no one to question them," he
lamented.
There
aren't many settlements that mark any significant population
displacement due to the project. Since the entire length of the highway
is located in the outskirts of the city, there do not seem many
displacements which were carried out for the execution of the project.
There are, however, a few illegal Goths alongside the Shershah bridge,
such as the March Goth and the Mauripur Goth.
At
the time of construction in 2002, these Goths were moved back with
clearing a few of the settlements on the edges. "There were a total
of 77 encroachers who we paid through the Revenue Department of the CDGK,"
said Mushtaq Ahmed Kalhoro, Director Construction of the Northern
Bypass.
The
evacuation was executed by the CDGK under the Revenue department, which
paid a paltry sum of Rs50,000 as compensation per unit.
There
were also some houses which were relocated in March Goth. Mohammed Ameen,
a resident of the Goth, owned a house at the foremost corner of the
village, which was demolished as per the construction plan and was given
compensation. He was also promised a plot, which he has still has not
been allotted, despite a lapse of seven years. "Due to a lack of
space, I had to send back my family back to my village in interior Sindh,"
Ameen told Kolachi.
Mauripur
Goth -- a mixed settlement of Balochs, Pathans and Sindhis, was also
evacuated in parts. Unlike the largest displacement at the Lyari
Expressway, there was hardly any relocation planned for these people,
except for the Rs50,000 remuneration. Most people in the village still
seem happy, as life for them has not been much affected by the new
construction.
"These
were illegal settlements but have now been incorporated into a town by
the CDGK, the Mauripur Town, and is now managed under a separate
department called Gothabad," Aijaz, a representative of the CDGK
Revenue department told Kolachi.
The
Northern Bypass – recognised as the second shortest motorway and the
longest bypass -- is known as M-10. The 56-kilometre-long track is
located in the northern outskirts of Karachi, and this expressway was
built especially for the Karachi Port Trust (KPT) and heavy traffic
vehicles.
The
project was started under the patronage of National Highway Authority on
land bought for Rs74 million from the city government. The project was
executed in two packages: Package-I includes a 32-km-long road that
starts from West Wharf at the ICI Bridge, and passes from Manghopir, RCD
highway, up to Halkani Town. Package-II passes through the outskirts of
Surjani Town, SITE, Gulshan-e-Maymar and ends at the Super Highway. This
track is 24.638km long.
The
total cost of the venture was estimated at Rs2,201.17 million, but the
completed project in 2007 cost a total of Rs3,197.54 million. Started on
September 1, 2002, the only circumferential highway in Karachi was
finished by NLC Engineers and ECI (Pvt) Ltd contractors on May 10, 2007.
"This
project reduces travel time, vehicle operating cost, protects the city
road pavements from heavy axle loadings, reduces pollution level, and
improves the transport network serving the outbound and inbound Karachi
port traffic," said Riaz Shah, project member at National Highway
Authority.
Meanwhile,
the bridge that collapsed at Shershah lies broken even after a lapse of
almost two years. "It was supposed to be completed in November
2009, but the rubble is still there and it blocks the road and hinders
smooth traffic flow," said Zahid Farooq, Director of Urban Resource
Centre, a research institute.
(By
Samia Saleem, The News-13, 21/12/2009)
How
Pakistan survives
WHAT
keeps Pakistan afloat? How, despite its seemingly precarious political
existence and the gloom and doom spread by the highly politicised media,
as well as the horrendous bomb blasts, does the country manage to
survive?
For the answer switch off your television and step outside to see for
yourself how people cope in a country that does not provide its citizens
even their basic needs. The immense reserves of resilience the people
have are striking.
In the forefront are those who lead them. Before you get it wrong, one
must add that these leaders are not the ministers and elected
representatives who unfortunately lack the mettle that goes into the
making of leadership. Our real leaders are the thousands of community
activists in our midst — not necessarily well-known. They are heroes
in their own right. They deserve our gratitude.
By inspiring their community, sharing its joys and sorrows and
constantly striving to uplift it in a spirit of optimism and good cheer,
these leaders keep their people going and prevent the country from
collapsing into chaos.
There are so many of them that it almost appears a national conspiracy
hatched by the media to keep such activists out of the limelight. Have
you heard of Tahira Ali, who works for the rights of Karachi’s
fisherfolk? Or Majeed Manghrio of Sanghar who became his community’s
leader in its struggle against the landlords in their dispute over
Chottiari Dam? Or Amir Mohammad from the NWFP who is leading a movement
to save the forests of the Frontier? And what about the theatre
group from Lyari which stages street plays to promote harmony in its
strife-torn locality. The endeavours of these activists and many others
should be celebrated. They are also idealists — some more, some
less.
But they all have a “utopian desire to serve others, to solve real
problems, to create a better world, more kind, more just and more
prosperous” to quote the late Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan. An activist par
excellence, who preferred to call himself a social scientist, he had the
qualities all successful leaders possess — idealism, a dream, courage
to effect change, selflessness and a love for humanity.
Unlike advocacy, activism actually brings about changes in social and
physical conditions without waiting for the government or state
institutions to act. Activism does not involve philanthropy
either.
It is a befitting tribute to Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan that the Orangi Pilot
Project or OPP — his legacy — should hold a forum every year in
December to mark his death anniversary. The idea of holding this
intellectual exercise is to honour the memory of this great man and also
carry his message forward by encouraging the networking of activists
from all over Pakistan. It was at the 10th forum where I met the
aforementioned activists and learnt of their good work.
This activism at the grassroots helps Pakistan survive. For Dr Akhtar
Hameed Khan, a modest and unassuming man, there could be no bigger sin
than the attitude of ‘I know best’ especially vis-à-vis the
community with which he worked. His philosophy of research and extension
involved studying the problems of a community and learning from its
members about how they coped. On the basis of that knowledge he sought
to develop a package of technical guidelines that he offered to people
as a measure of support.
His initial research involved several months of “wandering around
Orangi in a battered jeep” observing the physical environment and
talking to people. His basic findings were most interesting.
First, when the government fails, local communities rise to the occasion
and work on a self-help basis. Second, people mobilise their own
financial and manpower resources if they are provided social and
technical guidance. Third, the main concerns of the people are housing
and sanitation, healthcare, education and employment.
By adopting a people-centred development strategy that rejected the
imposition of an external model from above, OPP’s founder in effect
upheld the dignity and esteem of the people. In the introduction of
Akhtar Hameed Khan’s book, Orangi Pilot Project: Reminiscences and
Reflections, Arif Hasan wrote in 1995, “Akhtar Hameed Khan is now 81.
He visits Orangi every day to teach, guide and analyse and in the
process, he claims, he maintains his sanity.”
Those who were trained and inspired by him now sustain his legacy.
Perween Rahman, the director of the OPP-Research and Training Institute,
who joined the project in 1982, and Anwer Rashid, director of the OPP
Charitable Trust and head of the micro-credit programme, are two
activists whose contribution to the social mobilisation of the people of
Orangi is immense. A close look at the Orangi experiment and Akhtar
Hameed Khan’s own work confirms that activism to be successful is a
dual-tiered operation. It has in its mainstream community leaders who
understand the thinking, needs and aspirations of their people.
The second tier comprises equally committed individuals, mainly
professionals, who may not be drawn from the community but have strong
empathy with it. Their role is what Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan described his
own to be — that of a dadi amma (grandmother) who holds the family
together while providing each member solace and guidance. This second
tier is vital to providing confidence and continuous support for social
mobilisation.
All development projects, whether for housing, education or primary
healthcare, must have these two tiers of activism closely integrated if
they are to succeed. Without the participation of the people at the
grassroots, no development strategy can work and the local leadership
alone can mobilise people.
A second tier of professionals not drawn from the community is needed
until the community reaches that level of education and training where
it can produce its own professionals. The second tier must, however,
have strong links and identify with the population to enjoy the
confidence of indigenous activists.
That is the secret of OPP that has made it feasible and replicable. The
expanding network of NGOs and CBOs that have links with the OPP keeps
growing vindicating Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan’s philosophy.
(By
Zubeida Mustafa, Dawn-7, 31/12/2009)
|
